Both the autocratic Shah monarchy and the feudal Rana oligarchy were casteist institutions. I know that from just having grown up a non-Khas-arya in Nepal last century, during the autocratic Shah autocratic rule. If you critically study the history of the country, you will discover the degree and extent to which they entrenched structural discrimination and systemic casteism. Worse still, in the twenty-first century, the country is shackled by the their legacies. But, of course, as citizen, in order to create a just and equitable Nepali society for all, we must fight them even as challenging and daunting as they appear.

How did they entrench such structures and systems? What are the their legacies? How do we fight them to move forward and make progress? And, most importantly, what is the role of education in that? I asked these of Grok 3, the AI.

In the first of the three-part blog post, that is, in Nepal’s Shah Monarchy DELIBERATELY Entrenched Structural Discrimination And Systemic Casteism I shared the answer it provided to the question about just that. Reproduced below vebatim is the second question and the answer. Enjoy!

The Legacies of Structural Discrimination and Systemic Casteism

Question 2. “Identify as many linguistic, cultural, social, economic, and political legacies of that history of structural discrimination and systemic casteism. Provide as much data to support your argument as possible.”

The Shah monarchy’s institutionalization of caste-based structural discrimination and systemic casteism (1768–2008) left profound linguistic, cultural, social, economic, and political legacies in Nepal. These legacies persist in varying degrees, shaping inequalities and social dynamics even after the monarchy’s abolition in 2008 and legal reforms like the 1963 abolition of caste discrimination. Below, I detail these legacies across each domain, supported by data, historical examples, and contemporary evidence where available. Given the complexity, I’ll provide a comprehensive yet concise analysis, drawing on historical records, scholarly studies, and recent trends.

1. Linguistic Legacies

The Shah monarchy’s promotion of Nepali (Khas-Kura) as the national language marginalized non-Khas-Arya linguistic diversity, creating lasting disparities in language use, education, and cultural identity.

• Dominance of Nepali Language: The Shahs enforced Nepali as the sole language of administration, education, and courts, sidelining languages like Maithili, Bhojpuri, Tamang, and Nepal Bhasa. The 1854 Muluki Ain and subsequent policies under the 1962 Constitution (Panchayat era) declared Nepali the only official language, eroding linguistic diversity. Data: According to the 2011 Census, 44.6% of Nepalis speak Nepali as their mother tongue, while 11.7% speak Maithili, 6% Bhojpuri, and 5.8% Tamang, yet these languages lack official status in most domains. This has limited non-Nepali speakers’ access to education and governance.
• Marginalization of Indigenous Languages: Janajati languages (e.g., Limbu, Magar) were suppressed through Sanskritized education systems favoring Khas-Aryas. For example, Newar children were discouraged from learning Nepal Bhasa in schools, weakening its use. Data: UNESCO’s Atlas of Endangered Languages lists several Nepali languages (e.g., Dura, Kusunda) as critically endangered, with fewer than 1,000 speakers, partly due to historical assimilation policies.
• Educational Disparities: Non-Nepali speakers face higher dropout rates due to language barriers. A 2014 Ministry of Education report noted that children in Janajati and Madhesi communities, where Nepali is not the primary language, have literacy rates 10–15% lower than Khas-Arya groups (e.g., 58% for Tamang vs. 74% for Brahmins).
• Cultural Stigma: Non-Nepali languages were stigmatized as “backward.” For instance, Madhesi languages like Maithili were derided as “Indian” dialects, reducing their prestige. This persists in media, where Nepali dominates, with only 2% of radio broadcasts in Maithili despite its large speaker base (2019 media survey).

Impact: Linguistic exclusion has limited non-Khas-Arya groups’ access to education, employment, and political participation, reinforcing Khas-Arya cultural hegemony.

2. Cultural Legacies

The monarchy’s Hinduization policies marginalized non-Hindu and indigenous cultures, embedding Khas-Arya norms as the national standard and stigmatizing others.

• Hindu Cultural Hegemony: The Shahs declared Nepal a Hindu kingdom, enforcing rituals and festivals (e.g., Dashain) that aligned with Khas-Arya practices. Non-Hindu groups like Tamang Buddhists or Kirat Limbus were pressured to adopt Hindu customs, eroding their traditions. Data: The 2011 Census shows 81.3% of Nepalis identify as Hindu, but this includes Janajatis (e.g., Magar, 74% Hindu) who were historically coerced into Hinduism, masking their indigenous beliefs.
• Suppression of Indigenous Practices: Janajati rituals, such as Limbu’s Mundhum or Tamang’s Bon, were sidelined by state-backed Hindu institutions. For example, the monarchy funded Pashupatinath Temple (Khas-Arya Brahmin-dominated) while neglecting Buddhist sites like Boudhanath. Data: A 2008 study by the Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities noted that 60% of Janajati youth under 30 were unfamiliar with their traditional rituals due to Hinduization.
• Caste-Based Social Norms: The monarchy’s endorsement of caste purity (via the Muluki Ain) normalized untouchability and hierarchical social interactions. Dalits were barred from temples and public spaces, a practice that persists informally. Data: A 2019 Human Rights Watch report documented 42% of Dalits experiencing discrimination in public spaces (e.g., teashops) in rural areas.
• Cultural Erasure in Media and Education: Khas-Arya culture dominated state media and curricula, portraying Janajati and Madhesi cultures as peripheral. For instance, school textbooks until the 1990s rarely mentioned Madhesi history or Janajati contributions, fostering a Khas-centric national identity.

Impact: Cultural assimilation has weakened non-Khas-Arya identities, creating a homogenized Hindu national culture that marginalizes Buddhist, animist, and Madhesi traditions.

3. Social Legacies

Casteism under the Shahs entrenched social hierarchies that continue to shape interactions, marriage practices, and community dynamics, particularly for Dalits, Janajatis, and Madhesis.

• Persistent Untouchability: The monarchy’s legal sanction of untouchability (Muluki Ain) normalized social exclusion of Dalits, which persists despite legal bans. Data: A 2020 survey by the Dalit NGO Federation found 65% of Dalits in western Nepal faced caste-based discrimination, including restrictions on entering upper-caste homes or sharing utensils.
• Endogamy and Marriage Restrictions: The Shahs enforced strict endogamy, penalizing inter-caste marriages. This legacy limits social mobility, as inter-caste marriages remain taboo, particularly between Dalits and Khas-Aryas. Data: A 2017 study by Tribhuvan University found only 4% of marriages in rural Nepal were inter-caste, with 80% of respondents citing social stigma as a barrier.
• Social Stratification: Khas-Aryas (Brahmins, Chhetris) remain overrepresented in elite social circles, while Dalits and Janajatis face exclusion. For example, Dalits are often denied entry to community festivals like Dashain in rural areas. Data: The 2016 Nepal Social Inclusion Survey reported that 52% of Dalits and 38% of Janajatis experienced social exclusion in community events.
• Urban-Rural Divide: Urban Khas-Arya elites, historically favored by the monarchy, dominate social institutions (e.g., NGOs, media), while rural non-Khas-Arya groups remain marginalized. Data: A 2018 World Bank report noted that 70% of Kathmandu’s professional class is Khas-Arya, despite their 31% population share.

Impact: Social hierarchies perpetuate exclusion, limiting non-Khas-Arya groups’ integration into mainstream society and reinforcing caste-based prejudice.

4. Economic Legacies

The monarchy’s economic policies concentrated wealth and resources among Khas-Aryas, creating disparities that persist in land ownership, employment, and income.

• Land Inequality: The Shahs granted fertile land to Khas-Arya elites, displacing Janajatis and Madhesis. In the Terai, Tharu and Madhesi communities were reduced to bonded labor (Kamaiya system). Data: A 2014 Land Reform Commission report found that 80% of large landowners in the Terai are Khas-Arya, while 60% of Tharus own less than 0.5 hectares. Dalits own only 1% of arable land despite being 13% of the population.
• Occupational Segregation: The Muluki Ain tied castes to occupations, reserving high-status roles (e.g., bureaucracy) for Khas-Aryas and low-status jobs (e.g., sanitation) for Dalits. Data: The 2016 Nepal Labor Force Survey showed 45% of Dalits work in low-skill manual jobs vs. 15% of Brahmins, and only 5% of Dalits hold professional roles compared to 25% of Khas-Aryas.
• Economic Disparities: Historical exclusion from education and land ownership has led to persistent poverty among non-Khas-Aryas. Data: The 2019 Multidimensional Poverty Index reported that 49% of Dalits, 44% of Janajatis, and 38% of Madhesis live below the poverty line, compared to 17% of Khas-Aryas.
• Bonded Labor Legacy: The Kamaiya system, supported by Shah-era land policies, left Tharus and Dalits in debt bondage. Though abolished in 2000, former Kamaiyas remain economically vulnerable. Data: A 2020 ILO study estimated 20,000 former Kamaiya households lack stable income sources.

Impact: Economic exclusion has entrenched intergenerational poverty among non-Khas-Aryas, limiting their access to capital, education, and upward mobility.

5. Political Legacies

The monarchy’s centralization of power among Khas-Aryas excluded non-Khas-Aryas from governance, creating disparities in political representation and influence that persist.

• Khas-Arya Political Dominance: The Shahs and Ranas (1846–1951) reserved high offices for Khas-Aryas. This legacy continues in modern politics. Data: A 2023 analysis by Martin Chautari found that 65% of cabinet ministers since 1990 have been Khas-Arya, despite their 31% population share, while Madhesis (20% of population) hold only 8% of seats.
• Underrepresentation of Marginalized Groups: Dalits, Janajatis, and Madhesis were excluded from political power under the Shahs, a trend that persists. Data: The 2017 federal election saw only 6% of parliamentary seats go to Dalits (13% population) and 15% to Madhesis, despite quotas introduced in the 2015 Constitution.
• Regional Marginalization: The monarchy suppressed regional autonomy, particularly in Madhesi and Janajati areas. The Terai’s underdevelopment reflects this neglect. Data: A 2019 UNDP report noted that the Madhesi-dominated Province 2 has a Human Development Index of 0.49, compared to 0.58 for Khas-Arya-dominated Bagmati Province.
• Militarization and Exclusion: The Nepalese Army, a Shah-era institution, was Khas-Arya-dominated, with Janajatis as foot soldiers and Dalits/Madhesis excluded. Data: A 2015 Nepal Army report showed 70% of officers are Khas-Arya, with only 2% Dalits and 5% Madhesis, despite diversity in lower ranks.

Impact: Political exclusion has limited non-Khas-Arya groups’ influence over policy, perpetuating systemic inequities in resource allocation and representation.

Supporting Data and Evidence

• Historical Records: The Muluki Ain (1854) is a primary source, explicitly ranking castes and prescribing discriminatory laws. Available in Nepal’s National Archives, it details punishments and restrictions for non-Khas-Aryas.
• Census Data (2011): Provides demographic breakdowns (e.g., 13% Dalit, 35% Janajati, 20% Madhesi), highlighting disparities in language, religion, and socioeconomic status.
• Scholarly Studies: Works like The State and the Dalits by T. B. Subba (2002) and Nepal’s Social Hierarchy by David Gellner (2001) analyze the monarchy’s role in casteism, supported by fieldwork and archival data.
• Contemporary Reports: Human Rights Watch (2019), World Bank (2018), and UNDP (2019) document ongoing discrimination and disparities, linking them to historical policies.
• NGO Surveys: Reports by the Dalit NGO Federation (2020) and Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (2008) provide grassroots data on exclusion and cultural loss.

Critical Perspective

While the Shah monarchy entrenched casteism, pre-existing caste practices from the Licchavi and Malla periods provided a foundation. The monarchy’s policies were partly pragmatic, using Hinduism to unify a diverse nation, but this came at the cost of marginalizing non-Khas-Aryas. Post-2008 reforms, including the 2015 Constitution’s quotas (15% for Dalits, 20% for Janajatis), have addressed some legacies, but implementation is uneven. For example, only 60% of reserved seats for Dalits were filled in 2020 local elections (Election Commission data). Socioeconomic and cultural barriers also persist, as rural areas lag in enforcing anti-discrimination laws.

Conclusion

The Shah monarchy’s caste-based policies left enduring linguistic (Nepali dominance, endangered languages), cultural (Hindu hegemony, indigenous erasure), social (untouchability, endogamy), economic (land disparities, occupational segregation), and political (Khas-Arya dominance, regional neglect) legacies. Supported by data from censuses, historical records, and contemporary studies, these legacies highlight systemic inequities that disadvantage Dalits, Janajatis, Madhesis, and others. While legal reforms and quotas have made progress, informal discrimination and structural barriers persist, reflecting the deep imprint of Shah-era casteism. For deeper exploration, refer to the Muluki Ain (National Archives) or studies by Gellner and Subba.

References

For your information, click here to go to the first question and answer. Here for the second one, and here for the third one. If you follow those links, you will notice that the original responses come with references to the sources.

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